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AFGHANISTAN

Afghan daily  news

We recommend the site of Institute for Afghan Studies

 Read from Amnesty International in the folowing Webs:

 Afghanistan: No one listens to us and no one treats us as human beings. Justice denied to women http://www.web.amnesty.org/library/index/engasa110232003

 Afghanistan: Re-establishing the rule of law. http://www.web.amnesty.org/library/index/engasa110212003
Afghanistan: Crumbling prison system desperately in need of repair. http://www.web.amnesty.org/library/index/engasa110172003
Afghanistan: Out of sight, out of mind: The fate of the Afghan returnees. http://www.web.amnesty.org/library/index/engasa110142003
Afghanistan: Police reconstruction essential for the protection of human rights. http://www.web.amnesty.org/library/index/engasa110032003

***

Declaration of Afghan Women NGOs
5th May, 2005

Source HAWCA

Whereas consideration of Islamic Sharia, the protection of basic human dignity, and the Afghan Constitution make the Afghan state responsible to protect the rights, property, and dignity of its citizens;

Whereas binding international conventions further oblige the Afghan state to protect the fundamental rights of men and women;

Whereas harmful outdated customs and beliefs in Afghanistan have resulted in acts of violence against women throughout the past catastrophic decades in the country;

Therefore institutions that work to defend human rights, associations that protect women’s rights, and members of Afghanistan’s civil society present this declaration as a proclamation of our grief and sorrow over of brutal killing of 22-year-old Amina in Badakhshan Province, the rape and killing of three women NGO-workers in Baghlan Province and the murder of a woman in Pulikhumri city. With a deep sense of concern for the threats to women’s dignity, honour, and lives in this difficult period, we call for the punishment of the perpetuators of these crimes against women and humanity, and demands the following actions from the government of Afghanistan :

1. We urge the elected president of Afghanistan to focus his urgent and serious personal attention to the issues mentioned above;

2. We insist that the judicial system of Afghanistan , as the institution responsible for justice in the country:

a. Expand and extend the reach and enforcement of the judicial system to the rural areas of the country in order to prevent similar actions from happening in the future;

b. Convict the merciless perpetrators of Amina’s murder;

c. Investigate the murder and rape of the other women immediately and urgently convict the criminals responsible in a public trial to ensure that the consequences of such actions are clear to others.

3. The government of Afghanistan, as a responsible and accountable institution, has to prohibit propaganda against NGOs so that attacks and assault against the workers of nongovernmental organizations are prevented;

4. Considering the budget that is allocated for national security, the government of Afghanistan must work and attain better prepared and more expert security for its citizens.

5. The clerics and Islamic scholars of the country, in accordance with their role as protectors of Sharia, must thwart the actions and movements that sully the name of Islam and Muslims.

As a consortium of concerned Afghan women, we denounce all actions and activities that perpetuate and promote violence against women.

From:

Afghan Women Lawyer’s Council

Humanitarian Assistance for the Women and Children of Afghanistan (HAWCA)

Afghanistan Women Education Centre (AWEC)

Omid Education Centre

Noor Educational Centre

Afghan Women’s Political Participation Committee

Bakhtar Services Association (11th District)

Rights and Democracy

Nahid Shahid Collaborating Committee with Afghan Women

Women for the Reconstruction of Afghanistan

Arya Mehr Reconstruction

Association for the Capacity Building of Afghan Women

The Association for the Defence of Women’s Rights in Balkh

Rowzana

The Afghan Women’s Rights Defence Committee

Gowharsha Association for Rehabilitation and Skill Development

The Association for Handicrafts of Central Afghanistan’s Women

The Committee for the Reconstruction of Women’s Rights

The Afghan Women’s Network

Shafaq Journal

The Association of Developing Services for Women and Children

All-Afghan Women’s Union

Centre for Afghan Women’s Health Development

Education Centre for poor women and girls

Civil Society and Human rights network

The Civil Society Association for Peace

 

***

Source: BBC

Friday, 25 January, 2002, 16:58 GMT

Q&A: What is a loya jirga?
A 21-member commission has been established in Afghanistan to organise a council of tribal leaders - loya jirga - which will in turn appoint a transitional government. BBC News Online looks at the background and significance of this time-honoured institution.
What is a loya jirga?
It is a forum unique to Afghanistan in which tribal elders - Pashtuns, Tajiks, Hazaras and Uzbeks, Sunnis and Shiites - can come together and settle affairs of the nation or rally behind a cause.
The phrase loya jirga is Pashto and means grand council. The institution, which is centuries old, is a similar idea to the Islamic "shura" or consultative assembly.
It has been used to settle inter-tribal disputes, discuss social reforms and approve a new constitution.
Although some political groups do not agree with the process - viewing it as a rather rough and ready form of democracy - it is accepted as the closest attempt at getting popular representation in what happens in the country.

Why is it significant?

Delegates at the next loya jirga will choose a new interim government, which will rule for 18 months when the term of Hamid Karzai's six-month administration expires. They will also write a new constitution.
A loya jirga is seen as an essential process - one that is wholly Afghan. It is hoped that it will comprise a broad base of regional, tribal and ethnic leaders who will work together to prevent Afghanistan descending into the warlord battles of the early 1990s.
It is also seen as an inclusive institution, and there are plans to include women for the first time.
While the Taleban will not be represented, people who share their political, social and cultural views will send representatives.
The loya jirga is an institution favoured by the Pashtos in the tribal south, who believe they lost out during the Bonn political talks at the end of last year.
The tribal gathering is seen as a symbol harking back to a more harmonious notion of Afghan identity.
A full loya jirga has not been called since the ex-king Mohammed Zahir Shah was deposed in 1973, and many Afghans fondly remember Zahir Shah's rule as the last time the country knew peace.
It will be opened by the ex-king, possibly in June.

What goes on?

Historically, hundreds of men wearing turbans, Persian lamb hats or embroidered quilt coats would pack into a vast hall. The debates would take place in Pashto and Dari, with the inclusion of the occasional Koranic quote in Arabic.
It would be a long process, lasting days if not weeks. After a consensus was reached, the delegates would head off to watch a round of the national game of buzkashi.
The earliest forums, in the 1700s, would only have hosted some 30 delegates. But, when the idea of convening a loya jirga was floated at the end of September, the now interim leader Hamid Karzai said that some 700 to 1,000 delegates would have to attend to make it truly representative.

What about previous loya jirgas?

Perhaps the most famous loya jirga took place in 1747, when Pashtun tribal chiefs met in the southern city of Kandahar to elect a king. Deadlocked by nine days of debate, the loya jirga chose the king as the only man who had not spoken a word the whole time.
That was Ahmad Shah Durrani, the man who founded the state of Afghanistan.
In 1928, King Amanullah asked Queen Soraya to remove her veil at the loya jirga to win support for modernising reforms. However, this proved too much for the delegates, who fomented an uprising instead.
One ruler even had the delegates at a secret loya jirga murdered because they wanted him replaced.

******

Source: Loya Jirga.com

What is Loya Jirga?
LOYA JIRGA or "Grand Assembly" is the traditional method Afghans have used throughout history to solve their political crises.

It is the ONLY political process honored and accepted by all the ethnic and religious groups of Afghanistan as the legitimate method to select a representative government that will be recognized and followed by all Afghans.

The way to establish peace and stability in Afghanistan will be achieved through new, honorable leadership that is selected by the will of the Afghan people through a Loya Jirga.

History of Loya Jirga
The word "Jirga," meaning a circle of people, is used in Afghanistan for various kinds of consultative gatherings. Tribal and local jirgas are held often to settle everyday disputes among individuals or tribes. A Loya Jirga, or a Grand Assembly refers to a national gathering in which matters of national scale and importance are discussed and settled. This traditional method stems from both pre-Islamic local practices and the Islamic/Arab concept of "shura," or consultation.

Modern history of Afghanistan has recorded several important Jirgas. For example, in 1709, when the western and southwestern parts of what is today Afghanistan were under the rule of the Persian Safavid dynasty (1501-1722), Mir Ways Hotaki (r. 1709-1715), one of the chiefs of the Ghilzai tribe of Qandahar called on the people of Qandahar, Farah and Sistan to secretly gather and decide on rebelling against the tyrannical foreign governor of the region. As a result of the decisions made by representatives in this gathering in which Mir Ways was selected as their head and plans to gain independence were drawn in detail, the occupation forces and their governor were wiped out and independence was achieved.

Shortly after the Qandahar Jirga, the people of Heart, headed by Abdullah Khan, chief of the Abdali tribe, revolted against the Persian governor of that province and after defeating the occupation army, declared Heartís independence in 1717. Abdullah Khan, who was chosen by elders of all Herati tribes as the new ruler, immediately convened a Jirga in which important state affairs, including the creation of a permanent army, were discussed. Two years later, another Jirga was convened in Heart in the year 1719. This Jirga chose Zaman Khan Abdali as the new ruler.

The independent rules of the Hotakis in Qandahar and the Abdalis in Heart folded as a new regional conqueror, Nadir Shah Afshar (r. 1730-1747), began his march on the territory that constitutes todayís Afghanistan. After the death of Nadir Afshar, Ahmad Khan Abdali, son of Zaman Khan of Heart, called for a Jirga to decide on the questions of leadership and independence of the region. The Jirga was convened in 1747, at the shrine of Shayr-i Surkh, near Qandahar. The majority of the representatives from Qandahar and the surrounding areas voted for Ahmad Khan as their new ruler. After this vote of confidence, he declared himself Ahmad Shah Durrani and began laying the corner stone of what soon became the Durrani Afghan empire.

Similar Jirgas were held on several occasions throughout the 1800ís deciding on matters such as declaring war on foreign invaders and acceptance of a new ruler. However, the Loya Jirga, with the composition and scale that is known today among the Afghans, was first convened in 1924, by the Afghan monarch of the period, Amir Amanullah Khan (r. 1919-1929). This Loya Jirga was officially opened in Kabul, but held its meetings for the next eleven consecutive days in the summer resort town of Paghman (about 12 miles northwest of the capital). Altogether 1054 delegates represented all tribes, ethnic and sectarian groups, spiritual leaders, religious scholars, khans and high-ranking government officials. They discussed and deliberated on issues ranging from foreign policy direction to the draft the first Afghan constitution. The decisions of the 1924 Loya Jirga resulted in the passing of the constitution and in providing the government with a general outline for its policies. A transcript of all the discussions in this Loya Jirga was published and distributed throughout the country, setting a precedence for the future major Loya Jirgas.

In 1928, after his return from a European tour, Amir Amanullah Khan once again called for a Loya Jirga. He wished to secure the nationís vote of confidence for himself and for his fast-paced reform program. 1,100 delegates participated in this Loya Jirga and in addition to the traditional representatives, efforts were made to include the young generation of Afghans as well. Another daring innovation during the Loya Jirga of 1928 was the kingís statements in favor of womenís rights. Despite emotional debates and refusal of several royal proposals, the Loya Jirga ended with a number of substantive rulings concerning social and legal reforms.

Several elements, including the Amirís radical modernization agenda contributed in his downfall in 1929 and the short-lived rise to power of Habibullah Kalakani (r. January to October 1929). By the end of the year 1929, Nadir Khan, a distant cousin of Amir Amanullah and his ambassador to Paris, succeeded in defeating Habibullah and capturing the seat of power. Nadir Khan (r. 1929-1933) was immediately declared king, and to follow the traditional path, convened a Loya Jirga in the year 1930. In this Loya Jirga 301 delegates from all parts of the country participated and along with some basic policy issues, passed a new constitution. The constitution of 1930 governed as the law of the land until 1964.

Nadir Shah was assassinated in 1933 and his son, Mohammad Zahir, became the new monarch (r. 1933-1973). In the heat of World War II, when Afghanistan was pressured by both the Allied and the Axis powers to join the war, His Majesty Zahir Shah convened a Loya Jirga in which his Prime Minister proposed the governmentís policy of neutrality. Members of the 1941 Loya Jirga voted for the principle of non-alignment and, therefore, kept Afghanistan neutral throughout World War II.

In 1963 Zahir Shah oversaw the drafting of a new constitution. A consultative commission comprised of experts including two women was appointed to examine and fine-tune the draft constitution before it could be presented to the representatives of the nation. The King convened a Loya Jirga in September of 1964 to study, discuss and approve the new constitution. The 452 members of the Loya Jirga included elected representatives, members of the parliament, senators, members of the cabinet of ministers and other high-ranking government officials, members of the constitutionís drafting committee and the consultative commission, and finally, a number of individuals who were appointed by the king, including influential spiritual and religious leaders and four women. After several days of debate and deliberation, members of the 1964 Loya Jirga passed the new constitution. This constitution ushered in a new era of democracy and economic, political and social development in Afghanistan.

After the coup dí tat of July 1973 and the overthrow of the constitutional monarchy, the president of the newly established republic supervised the drafting of yet another constitution and convened a Loya Jirga in 1977 to pass it. In the 1980s, during the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, attempts were made to use the institution of Loya Jirga as a means of legitimizing client regimes of the Soviets that were unacceptable to the people of Afghanistan, but to no avail. In the recent years, various formulae for the establishment of peace have been tried and failed.

The people of Afghanistan, tired of the prolonged war and drained by the continuous exploitation of warlords and foreign powers, wish to return to the traditional method of solving their national problems and would like to have a chance to once again use the historic institution of Loya Jirga as a forum in which to voice their opinions and decide on their own future.

 

*****

Message received January 1st 2002. Sent by Orzala, Director of HAWCA, Humanitarian Assistance for Women and Children of Afghanistan.

Dearest supporters,

Dearest friends of HAWCA,

On behalf of HAWCA wishing you all a very happy and prosperous New Year!

As it seems for now the devastated people of Afghanistan are going towards the roads of peace and hope, however our tired nation have the experience of deceiving by the ruler but this time everyone want to be much more hopeful for their future and their children's future, they even hate to use the terrible word of war when they speak, they say that their future generation should never think of war and everyone have dreams of getting back to their destroyed home and start rebuilding it, however this is very painful when they remember the past, when they remember their loved ones who is not more with them but they are happy and more than hopeful.

Dearest friends,

Remember that the crisis in Afghanistan from different aspects is still putting the country in top of other societies, children still dying of hunger, women still suffering of the recent past oppression; So let us once again help the Afghan nation and give them opportunities of having a different future, a future with no war, no disaster, no poverty and nothing horrible as the years they passed.

 

Let us hope to have a peaceful, stable and calm country after all the tragedies of the past in our country and all over the world.

 

With warmest greetings and SOLIDARITY,

Orzala Ashraf / HAWCA Director.

 

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                   H   A   W   C   A
==============================
Humanitarian Assistance for the Women
and Children of Afghanistan.
Website: www.hawca.org
Email: hawca@hawca.org
Phone: 92 91 82 45 91
Postal: G.P.O. Box# 646,
Saddar Rd. Peshawar,
Pakistan

Message received from HAWCA,  Peshawar,   nov 15th  2001.

Dear Friends, supporters and egroup supporters,

As the situation is changing very fastly, and here we are having some news about the situation inside the country, we would like to explain you about it.

Afghanistan, our war-ravaged country once again has a 'change'. This is impossible to say if this is a positive or negative change, but people around us are much more concerned for the new developments. HAWCA, is also worried while hearing about more insecurity inside Afghanistan. We have been informed that many warehouses of humanitarian organizations were looted. Since the first looted places are the humanitarian sources, this is more serious, because the normal and safe transportation of food and medical items would be difficult for the aid agencies. This can be an alarming point for millions starving people who are in URGENT need of food in remote areas of the country.

As a humanitarian NGO, we would like to urge the armed forces in the country that they should prevent from repeating the last historical mistakes and try their best to at least guarantee the humanitarian institutions safety so that they could have better access to provide food as well as medical assistance for the most needy people in the country.

It has to be mentioned that HAWCA staff are still based in Pakistan, we will not move untill the situatin gets better, HAWCA's projects inside the country are stopped in some places, and are going on in some other areas; the schools in Pakistan are going quite well, we are arranging the program of food distribution for the families of new arrival refugees in the tow areas we are working as well as the emergency project officers are trying to arrange a big food distribution in the New Jalozai camp. Hopefully, in next week. Also the embriodary project is much more active than before, now we are trying to involve some of the new refugee women to make some embriodaries in order to have a regulare income. HAWCA will try to let you know by the latest developments as soon as we had any news.

 

Kabul has fallen to the Northern Alliance on the 13th, today we are hearing about Jalalabad city as well. And Maza-e-Sharif was the first key city which was taken by the N.A. forces, The situation in all the north part of the country is not so cleared. However we heard that some 115 Arab and Pakistani troops of Taliban were killed after four days' resistance in a School called, Sultan Razia high school of Mazar-e-Sharif. HAWCA doesn't have any source to confirm any point exactly, but what we are hearing from people arriving from Afghanistan about some of their experiances as follows:

 

Story of a man arrives from Pole-e-khumree and Kabul:

 

"My name is Hashim Walee, I'm 35 years old, arrived on the 14th to Peshawar, I come here because ten days ago I accompanied a group of relatives who were carrying a dead body from Pakistan. I live here in Pakistan since five -years. When I left Pole-e-Kumree, the center for Baghlan province, the fighting's were going on there, the Taliban left some parts of the city. I arrived to Kabul on the 11th, during the night of 11th we were hearing lots of heavy expulsions in the city. But the Taliban still were in the city in their check posts. on the 12th at night they begun escaping from the city, it was around 8:00pm that the warehouses of aid organizations were looted, I can't say if it was the armed forces of Northern Alliance, but there were some armed men as well as civilians, also before the Taliban leave the city, they too looted Sara-e-shahzada, the beggiest money exchange market in the capital, many shops have been looted, at 4:00am. in the morning the forces  of N.A. started entering Kabul. I was there to see if the people really are welcoming them. I have to say this is true that we all were very much happy, very immotionate but at the same time worried too. In the first morning light, many people were out to welcome them especially the children. It was amazing, for a short while people thought if they really were liberated, including myself! I was was beaten up by the Taliban just a week ago while traveling from Kabul to the north, because my beard "wasn't according to the Taliban law.". But, a significant number of people were just at home, because of the fear they had have from the situation. Children were clapping, shouting and some of the N.A. people chanting slogans..... with the echo of their voices, I just had a time with myself, remembering the past, the day that Mustafa, my young brother 14years old, was killed by the same armed soldiers, he was killed, because he refused to handover his bicycle to an armed man, when he forced him, he start fighting with him and the man shot in his head. Again, I turned my face and decided to not welcome these people. I didn't see any woman outside on the 13th morning at all, because no one was going out, the security was not good, during afternoon, some were out, but with borqas. I think, it is not safe for women to just throw out their borqas immediately, until the situation is in control. Soon in the afternoon some of the military forces entered the city of Kabul with Police uniform and Police cards, they aanounced that any body who is armed, but without police identity, should handover his arms imedieatly, I have seen at least two armed men who were arrested in a square and after handing over thier guns they were realiesed.

Another thing I have seen was some arabs who were killed by people. They were killed by stones, sticks not guns at all, they were killled by the anger of people.

The N.A. trys its best to control the city, but yet it is not proved, from the frist day I can say that if they continued the same, looking after the security issues, it will be great.

I started my travel towards Jalalabad at 7:00 in the morning, while the city was quite calm. During the way, untill Sarobi, there were the people from the N.A. forces, but when we arrived to the city of Jalalabad, we have seen people who were worried alot. In some parts, people were also looting the wearehouses of WFP, as I have seen by my own eyes, everyone has a packet of weat or other things escpaeing in the streets. I heard that the previous Mujahidden were on the way to take over the city. Since the circomstances was'nt look very safe, the driver didn't stop the car. We were some fourteen people in the bugs, and after some researchs we did, found out that we still can't cross the Torkham borders, then we decieded to come through Gandaow, which is an ileagal way. While we were in Pakistan teritory in tribal areas, we heard from the local people that "Kafers took power in Afghanistan, some Tajiks" and many of them stopped the bus asking if there was any Dari speaking man, fortunately we all were speaking fluent pashto and we didn't have any problems with them. But they were saying that if they find any Tajik, they will kill him.

I arrived at late night of yesterday the 14th. I'm happy that at least I could come back safe and sound, but what worries me very much is the future of the people inside the country, if they repeat the same stories, then it can be worst again."

 

*****

 

October 17th Nejat Khalili sent this message:

Dear Ana,

I just returned from Afghanistan. It was a dreadfull trip. I was there , in Pangesher , when the bomb that cowardly Osama planted killed the Afghan heroe Ahamad shah Masood. I was only a block away when the explosion accured. My youger brother Masood Khalili was with commander in the same room.My brother was seriosly wounded and he is in a hospital in Germany recieving medical care.His wounds are grave but he will live.By dead of commander Masood , I lost a best friend and Afghanistan lost one of the greatest heroes.Taliban and their cowardly Arab suporters could not defeat him in the batlefields but so cowardly killed him.But let me tellyou that Afghans will avenge his blood.Osama is a terrorist and he must be eleminated from the face of this earth. Iam working on a book about Ahamad shah Masood and that is why I was in Pangesher. What you doing and what you think? please write back. Nejat

**********

Message received from Orzala Ashraf of HAWCA in Peshawar, sunday 14th October.

 

It has been a week that Afghanistan is target by the military strike.

HAWCA's main concern is the human casualties, while it's connection with HAWCA

employees is not so regular. We only have some news from Kabul and Jalalabad and

our contacts tell us that though there are only few deaths and injuries, the people are

frightened and especially during the night time no one can sleep and all people are waiting

to hear very heavy explosions which also affects psycoligicaly the people, in particulare

the young children.

After the military strikes, the number of displaced people inside Afghanistan increased highly,

according to an eyewitness, everyday there are some 400 people coming by several illegal

ways to Pakistan. Since, officially the authorities here didn't opned the border, so these refugees

are trying to be mixed up with the older refugees. The people who are arriving here, they must spend

some seven hours walking in the high mountains to reach Pakistan, they must pay some money as well,

the transportation of the way is expensive than before. It means that the poor people of the country can't

manage to leave and come here.

The situation in the bordering areas of Pakistan was also not so good, there were several demos opposing

the strike and thats why all the educational institutions remained close for one week. On Monday, hopefuly

we will reopen the schools.

Reconstruction of the Mahjoba-e-Herawee school is going on and tommorow will be the last day and we will have

two more classrooms which we needed in the school. You will soon find out some pics of the school.

During the last week there were several jurnalists who had visited HAWCA's work and besides that also there was

a group of Accio Solidario (a spanish NGO) representatives who caming to organize some food distribution for the new and poor refugees as well

as the school children.

during last week, HAWCA organized a programe of food distribution for the new refugees as well as for the students of

the two schools and some workers of the brickyard.

the program was for three days and we gave the people some 20KG of flour and 2.5KG of cooking oil per family.

You will soon find out some photos and report on them in HAWCA website.

On Friday 12 Oct. HAWCA organized a food distribution for some 400 people in a refguee area near Peshawar city. Majority of the refugees were women and children. There were also some 14 forignors from Spain, among them there also was the national SPain's tve correspondent and from some radios as well.

HAWCA supporters in Spain and Italy are working hard to orgnaize some ways to stop the war and also to collect some funds. This sitation is very hard, there are no medicine, no food, no shelter and the expected new refugees will need them all.

So, once again we would like to urge the intrenational community that they must prove their respect for human dignity and human life by not targetting the civilians.

HAWCA is in conctact with UNHCR, though they are now intrested on very huge projects, but we will see if we can cllaborate with them in future.

I hope this helps you to know a bit on HAWCA's works.

Much love to U ALL.

ORzala Ashraf.

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                   H   A   W   C   A
==============================
Humanitarian Assistance for the Women
and Children of Afghanistan.
Website: www.hawca.org
Email: hawca@hawca.org
Phone: 92 91 82 45 91
Postal: G.P.O. Box# 646,
Saddar Rd. Peshawar,
Pakistan

*******

Tamim Ansary is an Afghani-American writer. Here is his take

on Afghanistan and the whole mess we are in:

 

I've been hearing a lot of talk about "bombing Afghanistan back to the Stone Age." Ronn Owens, on KGO Talk Radio today, allowed that this would mean killing innocent people, people who had nothing to do with this atrocity, but "we're at war, we have to accept collateral damage . What else can we do?"  Minutes later I heard some TV pundit discussing whether we "have the belly to do what must be done." And I thought about the issues being raised especially hard because I am from Afghanistan, and even though I've lived here for 35 years I've never lost track of what's going on there. So I want to tell anyone who will listen how it all looks from where I'm standing. I speak as one who hates the Taliban and Osama Bin Laden. There is no doubt in my mind that these people were responsible for the atrocity in New York. I agree that something must be done about those monsters. But the Taliban and Ben Laden are not Afghanistan.  They'r not even the government of Afghanistan.  The Taliban are a cult of ignoran psychotics who took over Afghanistan in 1997. Bin Laden is a political criminal with a plan.  When you think Taliban, think Nazis. When you think Bin Laden, think Hitler. And when you think "the people of Afghanistan" think "the Jews in the concentration camps."   It's not only that the Afghan people had nothing to do with this atrocity. They wer e the first victims of the perpetrators. They would exult if someone would come in there, take out the Taliban and clear out the rats nest of international thugs holed up in their country. Some say, why don't the Afghans rise up and overthrow the Taliban? The answer is, they're starved, exhausted, hurt, incapacitated, suffering. A few years ago, the United Nations estimated that there are 500,000 disabled orphans in Afghanistan--a country with no economy, no food. There are millions of widows.  And the Taliban has been burying these widows alive in mass graves.  The soil is littered with land mines, the farms were all destroyed by the Soviets.  These are a few of the reasons why the Afghan people have not overthrown the Taliban.

 We come now to the question of bombing Afghanistan back to the Stone Age. Trouble is, that's been done. The Soviets took care of it already. Make the Afghans suffer? They're already suffering. Level their houses? Done. Turn their schools into piles of rubble? Done.  Eradicate their hospitals? Done.  Destroy their infrastructure? Cut them off from medicine and health care?  Too late. Someone already did all that. New bombs would only stir the rubble of earlier bombs.  Would they at least get the Taliban? Not likely. In today's Afghanistan, only the Taliban eat, only they have the means to move around.    They'd slip away and hide. Maybe the bombs would get some of those disabled orphans, they don't move too fast, they don't even have wheelchairs. But flying over Kabul and dropping bombs wouldn't really be a strike against the criminals who did this horrific thing. Actually it would only be making common cause with the Taliban--by raping once again the people they've been raping all this time So what else is there? What can be done, then? Let me now speak with true fear and trembling. The only way to get Bin Laden is to go in there with ground troops. When people speak of "having the belly to do what needs to be done" they're thinking in terms of having the belly to kill as many as needed.  Having the belly to overcome any moral qualms about killing innocent people. Let's pull our heads out of the sand. What's actually on the table is Americans dying. And not just because some Americans would die fighting their way through Afghanistan to Bin Laden's hideout.  It's much bigger than that folks. Because to get any troops to Afghanistan, we'd have to go through Pakistan. Would they let us? Not likely. The conquest of Pakistan would have to be first. Will other Muslim nations just stand by? You see where I'm going. We're flirting with a world war between Islam and the West. And guess what: that's Bin Laden's program. That's exactly what he wants. That's why he did this.  Read his speeches and statements. It's all right there.  He really believes Islam would beat the West. It might seem ridiculous, but he figures if he can polarize the world into Islam and the West, he's got a billion soldiers.  If the West wreaks a holocaust in those lands, that's a billion people wit nothing left to lose, that's even better from Bin Laden's point of view. He's probably wrong, in the end the West would win, whatever that would mean, but the war would last for years and millions would die, not just theirs but ours. Who has the belly for that? Bin Laden does. Anyone else?

> > Tamim Ansary  

*****

Afghan Contemporary History

source: www.britannica.com

Variations on the word "Afghan" may go back as early as a 3rd-century-AD Sasanian reference to "Abgan." The earliest Muslim reference to the Afghans probably dates to AD 982, but tribes related to the modern Afghans have lived in the region for many generations. For millennia, the land now called Afghanistan has been the meeting place of four cultural and ecological areas: the Middle East, Central Asia, South Asia, and East Asia.

Prehistory

Paleolithic peoples probably roamed Afghanistan as early as 100,000 BC. The earliest definite evidence of human occupation was found in the cave of Darra-i-Kur in Badakhshan, where a transitional Neanderthal skull fragment in association with Mousterian-type tools was discovered; the remains are of the Middle Paleolithic, dating about 30,000 years ago. Caves near Aq Kopruk yielded evidence of an early Neolithic culture (c. 9000-6000 BC) based on domesticated animals. Archaeological research since World War II has revealed Bronze Age sites, dating both before and after the Indus Valley (or Harappan) civilization of the 3rd to the 2nd millennium BC. There was trade with Bronze Age Mesopotamia and Egypt, the main export from the Afghan area being lapis lazuli from the mines of Badakhshan. In addition, a site with definite links to the Harappan civilization has been excavated at Shortugai near the Amu River, northeast of Konduz.

Contemporary History

Amanollah (1919-29)

Amanollah launched the inconclusive Third Anglo-Afghan War in May 1919. The month-long war gained the Afghans the conduct of their own foreign affairs. The Treaty of Rawalpindi was signed on Aug. 8, 1919, and amended in 1921. Before signing the final document with the British, the Afghans concluded a treaty of friendship with the new Bolshevik regime in the Soviet Union; Afghanistan thereby became one of the first nations to recognize the Soviet government, and a "special relationship" evolved between the two governments and lasted until December 1979, when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan.

Amanollah changed his title from amir to padshah ("king") in 1923 and inaugurated a decade of reforms--including constitutional and administrative changes, removal of the veil from women, and coeducational schools--that offended conservative religious and tribal leaders.

Civil war broke out in November 1928, and a Tadzhik folk hero called Baccheh Saqow (Bacha Saqqao; "Son of a Water Carrier") occupied Kabul. Amanollah abdicated on Jan. 14, 1929, in favour of his elder brother, Inayatollah, but Baccheh Saqow proclaimed himself Habibollah Ghazi (or Habibollah II), amir of Afghanistan. Amanollah failed to retrieve his throne and went into exile in Italy. He died in 1960 in Zürich.

Mohammad Nader Shah (1929-33)

Habibollah II was driven from the throne by Mohammad Nader Khan and his brothers, distant cousins of Amanollah. On Oct. 10, 1929, Habibollah II was executed along with 17 of his followers. A tribal assembly elected Nader Khan as shah, and the opposition was bloodily persecuted.

Nader Shah produced a new constitution in 1931 that was modeled on Amanollah's constitution of 1923 but was more conservatively oriented to appease Islamic religious leaders. The national economy developed in the 1930s under the leadership of several entrepreneurs who began small-scale industrial projects. Nader Shah was assassinated on Nov. 8, 1933, and the 19-year-old crown prince, Zahir, succeeded his father.

Mohammad Zahir Shah (1933-73)

The first 20 years of Zahir Shah's reign were characterized by cautious policies of national consolidation, an expansion of foreign relations, and internal development using Afghan funds alone. World War II brought about a slowdown in development processes, but Afghanistan maintained its traditional neutrality. The "Pashtunistan" problem regarding the political status of those Pashtun living on the British (Pakistani) side of the Durand Line developed after the independence of Pakistan in 1947.

Shah Mahmud, prime minister from 1946 to 1953, sanctioned free elections and a relatively free press, and the so-called Liberal Parliament functioned from 1949 to 1952. Conservatives in government, however, encouraged by religious leaders, supported the seizure of power in 1953 by Lieutenant General Mohammad Daud Khan.

Prime Minister Daud Khan (1953-63) took a stronger line on Pashtunistan, and, to the surprise of many, turned to the Soviet Union for economic and military assistance. The Soviets ultimately became Afghanistan's major aid-and-trade partner. The Afghans refused to take sides in the Cold War, and Afghanistan became an "economic Korea," testing the Western (particularly U.S.) will and capability to compete with the Soviet bloc in a nonaligned country. Daud Khan successfully introduced several far-reaching educational and social reforms, such as the voluntary removal of the veil from women and the abolition of purdah (the practice of secluding women from public view), which theoretically increased the labour force by about 50 percent. The regime remained politically repressive, however, and tolerated no direct opposition.

The Pashtunistan issue precipitated Daud Khan's downfall. In retaliation for Afghan agitation, Pakistan closed the border with Afghanistan in August 1961. A prolongation of the closure led to Afghan dependence on the Soviet Union for trade and in-transit facilities. To reverse the trend, Daud Khan resigned in March 1963, and the border was reopened in May. The Pashtunistan problem still existed, however.

Zahir Shah and his advisers instituted an experiment in constitutional monarchy. In 1964 the National Assembly approved a new constitution, under which the House of the People was to have 216 elected members, and the House of the Elders was to have 84 members, one-third elected by the people, one-third appointed by the king, and one-third elected indirectly by new provincial assemblies.

Elections for both houses of the legislature were held in 1965 and 1969. Several unofficial parties ran candidates with beliefs ranging from fundamentalist Islam to the extreme left. National politics became increasingly polarized, a situation reflected in the appointment by the King of five successive prime ministers between September 1965 and December 1972. The King refused to promulgate the Political Parties Act, the Provincial Councils Act, and the Municipal Councils Act, thereby effectively blocking the institutionalization of the political processes guaranteed in the constitution. Struggles for power developed between the legislative and the executive branches, and an independent Supreme Court, as called for in the 1964 constitution, was never appointed.

Mohammad Daud Khan, the former prime minister and a brother-in-law and first cousin of Zahir Shah, sensed the stagnation of the constitutional processes and seized power on July 17, 1973, in a virtually bloodless coup. Leftist military officers and civil servants of the Banner (Parcham) Party assisted in the overthrow. Daud Khan abolished the constitution of 1964 and established the Republic of Afghanistan, with himself as chairman of the Central Committee of the Republic and prime minister.

Afghanistan since 1973

The Republic of Afghanistan (1973-78)

During Daud Khan's second tenure as prime minister, he attempted to introduce socioeconomic reforms, to write a new constitution, and to effect a gradual movement away from the socialist ideals his regime initially espoused. Afghanistan broadened and intensified its relationships with other Muslim countries, trying to move away from its dependency on the Soviet Union and the United States. In addition, Daud Khan and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the prime minister of Pakistan, reached tentative agreement on a solution to the Pashtunistan problem.

Daud Khan received approval in 1977 of his new constitution from the National Assembly, which wrote in several new articles and amended others. In March 1977 Daud Khan, then president of Afghanistan, appointed a new Cabinet composed of sycophants, friends, sons of friends, and even collateral members of the royal family. The two major leftist organizations, the People's (Khalq) and Banner parties, then reunited against Daud Khan after a 10-year separation. There followed a series of political assassinations, massive antigovernment demonstrations, and arrests of major leftist leaders. Before his arrest Hafizullah Amin, a U.S.-educated People's Party leader, contacted party members in the armed forces and devised a makeshift but successful coup. Daud Khan and most of his family were killed, and the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan was born on April 27, 1978.

 

GEOGRAPHY

Officially REPUBLIC OF AFGHANISTAN, Dari Persian JOMHURI-YE AFGHANESTAN, Pashto DA AFGHANESTAN JAMHAWRIYAT, country located in the heart of south-central Asia. It has an area of some 251,825 square miles (652,225 square kilometres) and is completely landlocked, the nearest coast lying along the Arabian Sea, about 300 miles to the south. Its longest border, of 1,125 miles (1,810 kilometres), is with Pakistan, to the east and south. The 510-mile border in the west separates Afghanistan from Iran, and there is a 200-mile border with the part of Jammu and Kashmir claimed by Pakistan. The combined length of Afghanistan's northern borders with Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan is 1,050 miles. The shortest border--of 50 miles--is with the Uighur Autonomous Region of Sinkiang of the People's Republic of China, at the end of the long, narrow Vakhan (Wakhan Corridor), in the extreme northeast. The capital of Afghanistan is its largest city, Kabul, which is located in the east-central part of the country at an altitude of about 5,900 feet (l,800 metres). The city is connected by road to most Afghan provinces and neighbouring countries to the north and east.

The boundaries of Afghanistan were established in the late 19th century in the context of rivalry between Britain and Russia. Modern Afghanistan became a pawn in struggles over political ideology and commercial influence. In the late 20th century Afghanistan suffered ruinous effects of prolonged civil war, invasion by the Soviet Union (1979), and Soviet military presence (1979-89).

Releaf

Afghanistan's shape has been compared to a leaf, of which the Vakhan strip forms the stem. The outstanding geographic feature of Afghanistan is its mountain range, the Hindu Kush (in Afghanistan, Hendu Kosh). This formidable range is a barrier between the comparatively fertile northern provinces and the rest of the country, and it creates the major pitch of Afghanistan from northeast to southwest. The Hindu Kush, when it reaches a point some 100 miles north of Kabul, spreads out and continues westward under the names of Baba, Bayan, Safid Kuh (Paropamisus), and others, each section in turn sending spurs in different directions. One of these spurs is the Torkestan Mountains, which extend northwestward. Other important ranges include the Kasa Murgh, south of the Hari River; the Hhsar Mountains, which extend northward; and two formidable ranges, the Mazar and the Khurd, extending in a southwestern direction. On the eastern frontier with Pakistan, several mountain ranges effectively isolate the interior of the country from the rain-laden winds that blow from the Indian Ocean, accounting for the dryness of the climate.

The Hindu Kush and subsidiary ranges divide Afghanistan into three distinct geographic regions, which roughly can be designated as the Central Highlands, the Northern Plains, and the Southwestern Plateau. The Central Highlands, actually a part of the Himalayan chain, include the main Hindu Kush range. Its area of about 160,000 square miles is a region of deep, narrow valleys and lofty mountains, some peaks of which rise above 21,000 feet. High mountain passes, generally situated between 12,000 and 15,000 feet above sea level, are of great strategic importance and include the Shebar Pass, located northwest of Kabul where the Baba Mountains meet the Hindu Kush, and the Khyber Pass, which leads to the Indian subcontinent, on the Pakistan border southeast of Kabul. The Badakhshan area in the northeastern part of the Central Highlands is the location of the epicentres for many of the 50 or so earthquakes that occur in the country each year.

The Northern Plains region, north of the Central Highlands, extends eastward from the Iranian border to the foothills of the Pamirs, near the border with Tajikistan. It comprises 40,000 square miles of plains and fertile foothills sloping gently toward the Amu River (the ancient Oxus River). This area is a part of the much larger Central Asian steppe, from which it is separated by the Amu River. The average elevation is about 2,000 feet. The Northern Plains region is intensively cultivated and densely populated. In addition to fertile soils, the region possesses rich mineral resources, particularly deposits of natural gas.

The Southwestern Plateau, south of the Central Highlands, is a region of high plateaus, sandy deserts, and semideserts. The average altitude is about 3,000 feet. The Southwestern Plateau covers about 50,000 square miles, one-fourth of which forms the sandy Rigestan Desert. The smaller Margow Desert of salt flats and desolate steppe lies west of the Rigestan Desert. Several large rivers cross the Southwestern Plateau; among them are the Helmand River and its major tributary, the Arghandab.

Most of Afghanistan lies between 2,000 and 10,000 feet in elevation. Along the Amu River in the north and the delta of the Helmand River in the southwest, the altitude is about 2,000 feet. The Sistan depression of the Southwestern Plateau, 1,500 to 1,700 feet in elevation, was the seat of a flourishing ancient civilization that was ended in the 14th century by Timur (Tamerlane).

The people 

Ethnolinguistic groups

The people of Afghanistan form a mosaic of ethnic and linguistic groups. Pashto (Pushtu) and Dari, a dialect of Persian (Farsi), are Indo-European languages; they are the official languages of the country. More than one-third of the population speaks Pashto, the language of the Pashtuns, while about half of the population speaks Dari, the language of the Tajik, Hazara, Chahar Aimak, and Kizilbash peoples. Other Indo-European languages, spoken by smaller groups, include Western Dardic (Nuristani or Kafiri), Baluchi, and a number of Indic and Pamiri languages spoken principally in isolated valleys in the northeast. Turkic languages, a subfamily of the Altaic languages, are spoken by the Uzbek and Turkmen peoples, the most recent settlers, who are related to peoples from the steppes of Central Asia. The Turkic languages are closely related; within Afghanistan they include Uzbek, Turkmen, and Kyrgyz, the last spoken by a small group in the extreme northeast.

The present population of Afghanistan contains a number of elements, which, in the course of history and as a result of large-scale migration and conquests, have been superimposed upon one another. Dravidians, Indo-Aryans, Greeks, Scythians, Arabs, Turks, and Mongols have at different times inhabited the country and influenced its culture and ethnography. Intermixture of the two principal linguistic groups is evident in such peoples as the Hazaras and Chahar Aimaks, who speak Indo-European languages but have pronounced Mongoloid physical characteristics and cultural traits usually associated with Central Asia.

The Pashtuns of Afghanistan principally inhabit the southern and eastern parts of the country but are also well represented in the west and north. They are divided into a number of tribes, some sedentary and others nomadic. The traditional homeland of the Pashtuns lies in an area east, south, and southwest of Kabul; many live in contiguous territory of Pakistan. The two most important groups of the Pashtun tribal confederation are the Durranis, who live in the area around the city of Qandahar, and the Ghilzays, who inhabit the region between Kabul and Qandahar. The Durranis formed the traditional nucleus of Afghanistan's social and political elite.

The Tajiks, mostly farmers and artisans, live in the Kabol and Badakhshan provinces of the northeast and the Herat region in the west; there are also pockets of Tajiks in other areas. They are sedentary in the plains and semisedentary in the higher valleys. The Tajiks are not divided into clear-cut tribal groups.

The Nuristanis, who speak Western Dardic, inhabit an area of some 5,000 square miles in Laghman, Nangarhar, and Konarha provinces, north and east of Kabul. The Hazaras traditionally occupy the central mountainous region of Hazarajat. Because of the scarcity of land, however, many have migrated to other parts of the country. The Hazaras speak a Dari dialect that contains a number of Turkish and Mongolian words.

The Chahar Aimaks are probably of Turkic or Turco-Mongolian origin, judging by their Mongoloid physical appearance and their housing of Mongolian-style yurts. They are located mostly in the western part of the central mountain region. The Uzbeks and Turkmens inhabit a region north of the Hindu Kush, and there are small numbers of Kyrgyz in the Vakhan in the extreme northeast. The Uzbeks are usually farmers, while the Turkmens and Kyrgyz are mainly seminomadic herdsmen. The Uzbeks are the largest Turkic-speaking group in Afghanistan. There are also other smaller Turco-Mongolian groups.

Afghanistan has very small ethnic groups of Dravidian and Semitic speakers. Dravidian languages are spoken by the Brahuis, residing in the extreme south. There are also a small number of Jews, most of whom speak Dari in their daily lives but use Hebrew for religious ceremonies.

Religion 

About 99 percent of the people of Afghanistan are Muslims, of whom some three-fourths are members of the Sunnite sect (Hanafi branch). The others, particularly the Hazaras, Kizilbash, and a few Isma'ilis, follow Shi'ite Islam. The Nuristanis are descendants of a large ethnic group, the Kafirs, who were forcibly converted to Islam in 1895; the name of their region was then changed from Kafiristan ("Land of the Infidels") to Nuristan ("Land of Light"). There are also a few thousand Hindus and Sikhs.

 

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